Thursday, September 17, 2026

President Von der Leyen’s State of the Union Address: Forfeiting Leadership

E.U. President Von der Leyen’s 2026 State of the Union address can be characterized as a bricolage of concerns “all over the map,” with proposed significant outsourcing of responsibilities to the international level. A notable opportunity cost that goes along with her approach is the political benefit that could have been gained by alternatively focusing on internal reforms to the E.U.’s governance structure and processes. Outsourcing internationally adds to this cost of a missed opportunity to sell internal reforms by making the E.U.’s federal level look weak. Even referring to the E.U. as a “bloc” and proposing an “associate membership” for Canada saps rather than strengthens the European Union.


The full essay is at "President Von der Leyen’s State of the Union Address."

Monday, August 10, 2026

FIFA’s President: Bad Judgment under the Subterfuge of Miscommunication

In the 1990s, I asked the CEO of ATT whether there is not a conflict of interest in him being chairman of the board tasked with holding the corporation’s management accountable. “The buck stops here,” Armstrong replied as the dean of Yale’s business school looked on, uncomfortably. Fortunately, I was a student in another school at Yale at the time. Fast forward to 2026. The board of FIFA backed up its president, Gianni Infantino in spite of the fact that he had overruled a red-card to favor the U.S. team in that year’s World Cup and then he proposed selling a minority share of FIFA to private investors—a plan that was almost universally viewed by the regional football (soccer) associations as selling out the world’s game to private financial interests so they might profit from the non-profit international organization. FIFA had Infantino’s back, which prompted regional associations, namely UEFA, CONCACAF, and AFC to publicly raise a red flag concerning the very credibility of Infantino for having tried to sell out a minority financial interest in FIFA. Albeit sheer speculation, given U.S. President Trump’s interest in financial transactions in relation to his political office, and Infantino’s having acquiesced to Trump’s request that the one-game suspension from a red card against a player on the U.S. team be revoked, I wonder whether the two men hatched the idea of selling off a minority stake in FIFA to private investors, which might have included Trump himself, his family members, and even the Trump Organization. Such is the nature of collusion in what James Burns refers to in his text, Leadership, as transactional, as distinct from transformational, leadership.

Evincing ethical leadership, UEFA president Aleksander Ceferin, AFC president Salman Al-Khalifa, and CONCAFAF president, along with three general secretaries signed an open letter critical of FIFA as well as its president. In the letter, the regional presidents assert that Infantino’s proposal to sell a minority financial interest in FIFA instantiated a “fundamental breach of trust” with the three regional, constituent organizations whose president had signed the letter.[1] Rather than targeting the plan itself, the letter goes after the character of FIFA’s president, and thus indirectly the ethos of FIFA’s governing board in supporting its president in spite of the “red-flag” fiasco and the private-equity plan. Infantino’s judgment is also in the letter’s cross-hairs, for in addition to overruling the automatic one-game suspension for a red card and attempting to profit private equity investors, the man’s “apology” itself was rather pathetic. “The letter . . . slams his so-called apology, which failed to acknowledge that the idea to sell of the World Cup is innately wrong, but instead attributes the mistakes to miscommunication. . . . [The letter] treats this as a failure of communication, when what football witnessed was a failure of judgment.”[2] In the letter, the three regional presidents are claiming that the apology’s claim of miscommunication is actually a lie, and this renders the apology as a subterfuge rather than as a valid apology. Lying in apologizing is not only bad judgment, but unethical as well. So too, overruling FIFA’s own rule regarding the automatic red-card penalty at the behest of a political official with a vested interest in the matter can be regarded as a case of bad judgment and unethical decision-making.

In short, whereas the letter could have been written to castigate the private-equity proposal itself, and even to add in a critique of the authority of FIFA’s president to overrule a referee and FIFA’s own rule on red-card penalties, the focus is instead on Infantino’s leadership, and in particular his judgment and ethics. That FIFA’s board had given its president a full vote of confidence in spite of his lapses likely prompted the regional organizations to step up to the plate with their own letter firmly directed to Infantino’s character, and, by implication, those of the members of FIFA’s governing board. Looking at Infantino’s financial proposal, the three regional organizations, representing their respective members, wrote, “we speak collectively today” to point out regarding Infantino’s behavior, “It is not the conduct of a custodian of the game, but of one who believes the game is answerable to him.”[3] This damning accusation stands in juxtaposition to a photo of Infantino standing in front of a Roman Catholic bishop at the swearing in of Columbia’s new president at the time of the letter’s release. The Christian message of humility, manifested in leaders by serving, is antipodal to the sheer hubris of using an “apology” as a subterfuge by which to side-step rather than acknowledge responsibility for one’s judgment and unethical conduct.

Worldly corruption seeking the spotlight in front of a Christian cleric (source: AP)

In 2025, I spoke with a former deputy Secretary of the UN at Harvard. I asked her if the UN’s political and enforcement impotence in the face of Russian and Israeli military aggression could be reformed from within. Could the UN reform itself? The answer I received stunned me. “The UN cannot be reformed from within because of the five veto-holding powers in the Security Council,” the former UN official said. Something similar could perhaps be said of FIFA in 2026 in that the abject failure of its board to hold its president accountable rendered the organization itself beyond reform from within. Accordingly, perhaps the three regional organizations could have taken the decision to form a new supra-organization and thus sidestep FIFA for the next World Cup.



1. Associated Press, “UEFA, CONCACAF and AFC accuse FIFA of ‘Deception’ and ‘Breach of Trust’ over World Cup Plans,” APnews.com, August 10, 2026.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.

Saturday, December 27, 2025

Leadership in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

The Quorum is a high-level governing body in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. The Quorum “helps set church policy while overseeing the many business interests of what is known widely as the Mormon Church.”[1] On December 27, 2025, Jeffrey R. Holland, “a high-ranking official . . . who was next in line to become the faith’s president,” died.[2] He was 85. To be at that age and yet next in line to lead a major Christian denomination is a sign of just how tilted toward the elderly the leadership of that Church was at the time. Almost exactly three months earlier, Russell M. Nelson, the then-sitting president of the denomination, died at the age of 101. Dallin H. Oaks, at the age of 93, became the next president. These ages make 75, the mandatory retirement age for Roman Catholic bishops, look young, though Pope John Paul II died at 84 and Pope Francis died at 88—both men while in office. Especially in Christianity, whose Gospels depict Jesus and his disciples as much younger men, the question of whether an aged leadership unduly foists conservatism on what in the Gospels is characterized as a radical religious movement.


The full essay is at "Conservatism in the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles."

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

The Master: Charismatic Leadership

In The Master (2012), Lancaster Dodd tells Freddie Quell, the man whom Lancaster wants to cure of alcoholism and mental illness, “I am a writer, a doctor, a nuclear physicist, a theoretical philosopher, but above all I am a man.” Given Lancaster’s presumption of infallibility concerning knowing that every human soul has been reincarnated even for trillions of years, the end of the line would more fittingly be, “I am a man above all (others).” With regard to being a physician, Lancaster comes up short because he underestimates the medical severity of Freddie’s alcoholism and his likely psychotic mental illness. Upon being released from jail, Lancaster should realize that Freddie’s rage and temper-tantrum in his jail cell evince mental illness of such severity that it is lunacy to suppose that the patient can be cured by walking back and forth in a room between a wall and a window and being sure to touch both, and by saying “Doris” over and over again in a dyad with Lancaster’s new son-in-law. In fact, Lancaster actually encourages Freddie’s alcoholism by asking that Freddie continue to make his “potion,” which contains paint-thinner filtered through bread. It is not Lancaster, but his wife, Peggy, who puts a stop to the “booze.” From her sanity, both that of Freddie and Lancaster can be questioned. That Lancaster is the Master of a religious cult, or “movement,” renders his mental state particularly problematic.


The full essay is at "The Master."

Saturday, April 5, 2025

Hindu Dharmic Leadership

At Harvard’s Bhukti Yoga Conference in 2025, Ed Anobah spoke on dharma (right-acting) leadership as a means of making progress in solving societal problems using Hinduism’s spiritual tradition of bhukti (devotionalism).  Anobah based his talk on the book, Leadership for an Age of Higher Consciousness by D. T. Swami. In the Bhagavad-Gita, Krishna says that what great people do, other people follow. What constitutes healthy, impactful leadership? The ideal leader in Hinduism is also a great sage, like Plato’s notion of a philosopher king. Leadership that deals wholistically with the human condition by exemplifies the character of a leader, which does not mean that only highly educated persons can or should be leaders. Rather, “everyone is a leader,” potentially, and “we are all leading our own life.” Each of us is a leader potentially for other people on the interpersonal level. Each of us can inspire other people. Anobah claimed that certain universal principles of leadership can apply across the board. I submit that this view is vulnerable to being too utopian when it is applied in the business world. Being realistic as to possible practical difficulties and even limitations in applying dharmic leadership in business (and government) is advisable. Even there being different metaphysical assumptions can get in the way, practically speaking, as compassionate leadership runs up against the profit-motive in business.   

Dharmic leadership begins from the inside out: leading oneself by “working on oneself.” This can result in “random acts of kindness.” A leader is someone who understands that real leadership is by being lived, hence by example. People see the effects of the example of a leader. Bhukti yoga, whether meditation on Krishna or other ways of devotion to the deity, is a practice of inner-discipline that can bring out a person’s better nature, by which a person can lead by example in random acts of kindness. Our better nature is not desire, and thus not greed: the desire for more. Practice of inner-discipline, as for example by chanting the many names of a deity, can not only bracket or strengthen mental control of desires, but also give a person a clearer “lens of reality.” Perception with clarity (and compassion) is an asset in terms of inner-led leadership. Therefore, finding some way to nourish the best within us is vital to being able to exemplify compassion, as per that of Krishna and the devotee thereof. That is, by loving devotion to a deity, especially if compassion is in its nature, a person is better able to instantiate dharmic (right-acting) leadership.

As per Krishna’s teachings to Arjuna in the Bhagavad-Gita, a leader is a person of action, but without worrying about whether one’s leadership is successful or not. Even encountering detractors can be useful in strengthening a leader’s self-discipline, similar to a butterfly’s struggle to get out of its cocoon strengthens the wing muscles. In Christian terms, encountering hateful people can be an important means of exercising selfless benevolence, which Samuel Hopkins argued is the essence of the kingdom of God.[1] The metaphysical basis of such compassion is agape, which is divine love as self-emptying (in God being incarnate in the world in Jesus Christ). In Advaita Vedanta, by contrast, the metaphysical basis of compassion is that each person’s realization that each person’s true or underlying self is identical with brahman, which is infinite being. In the Bhukti Yoga tradition, the metaphysical basis is reality being ultimately in the form of a Supreme Person, which is Krishna in the Gita.

I submit that being aware of whatever metaphysical basis supports even very practical exercises of leadership not only in religion, but also in the worlds of business and government, and grounds a person’s notion of leadership. Even in exercising fiduciary duty to stockholders as an example for managers within a corporation, a CEO’s underlying metaphysical assumption is that of materialism. Profit-seeking as an end in itself presupposes a reality of materialism, which can be contrasted with a reality that is deity that is known as the Supreme Person, whether that be Jesus or Krishna. Such different metaphysics can account for why the sort of leadership that is oriented to profit-seeking does not exemplify compassion as an end in itself, whereas dharmic leadership does. To superimpose the latter sort of leadership on the metaphysic of materialism is like throwing seeds on rock rather than soil. Put in practical terms, a CEO, such as that of Ben & Jerry’s in 2025, could legitimately be fired for putting the stockholders’ wealth in the company to use in the company promoting certain political activist stances that do not directly contribute to profit. The same can be said of programs of corporate “social responsibility,” which do not generate profit and thus dividends in the short- or medium-term. Therefore if “consciousness-raising” leadership based on dharma is to be applied in the business world, limitations should be acknowledged because that world is founded on a very different metaphysic. “Keep your feet on the ground and reach for the stars” is preferrable to drifting off into a utopia that really only exists in the mind’s eye.

Monday, December 30, 2024

Jimmy Carter: Non-Positional Symbolic Leadership

The linking of leadership with a position, whether atop a government or a corporation, is so well established that it is easy for us to overlook U.S. President Carter as a leader because he was such a micromanager while in office. Carter’s steady leadership by example, and thus by acting as a symbol, began after he had lost re-election. Nelson Mandela of South Africa had led as a symbol in civil rights before he was elected president, and Gandhi effectively exercised ethical political, moral and religious leadership without holding any office. The reductionism or, at the very least, the mere association of leadership with holding an office biases how we evaluate leaders, as distinct from governors.  

During his presidency, Carter was recurrently labeled as a technocratic micromanager. This proclivity was no doubt formed from his vocational background as a nuclear engineer in the navy. A perspective does not get more micro than that. Such a perspective is at odds with being atop of a large organization, not to mention the U.S. Government in occupying its presiding office. Whereas President Reagan could be criticized for too much of the “the vision thing” at the expense of being the chief executive of federal agencies, at least visionary leadership fits very well with the office, whereas a technocratic orientation does not.

To be sure, Carter was hardly a failure in office, despite the general sense of the country during his last year in office as Reagan was campaigning in part on government being part of the problem. Even though Reagan strongly backed Paul Volker’s strong anti-inflation “medicine” at the Federal Reserve Bank even as its high discount rate exacerbated the unemployment part of “stagflation,” which had pummeled Carter’s popularity during his years in office, Carter had achievements that lasted well past his presidency.

As per one journalist’s analysis at the end of 2024, Carter’s “administration pursued the antitrust case vs AT&T which led to its break-up early in [the Reagan] administration. That, and the deregulation of telecommunications that followed in the 1990s, helped to lead to technological advances for the US economy, including personal computers and the internet. And he passed and signed bills to deregulate both the US airline and trucking industries, which significantly lowered the cost of moving both people and goods, also making the US economy more competitive. But most of the effectives of those policies weren’t felt during his one term in office, and thus, most people don’t associate them with Carter.”[1] He also deregulated the energy sector, which opened up market-incentives for exploration which would make the U.S. energy-sufficient. This is no small feat, considering the leverage the oil-producing states (OPEC) had over the U.S. in 1974 and 1979 as reduced gasoline supplies resulted in long lines at gas stations and thus frustrated voters.

In foreign policy, Carter anticipated his work at the Carter Center by successfully negotiating a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, which bore fruit decades later when Egypt did not attack Israel amid the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza beginning in 2023. Even Carter’s successful negotiation to bring the American hostages home from Iran was not generally evident before Carter left office because the Iranian government held off the release until Reagan had been sworn in as president; Carter had angered the Iranians by having given permission to the Shah of Iran to get medical treatment in the United States.

The long-term benefits of some of Carter’s most significant work as president may seem ironic, given that president’s micromanaging approach at the expense of exercising paradigmatic visionary leadership. Even in running for re-election, Carter simply could not compete with Reagan’s orientation to enunciating a new paradigm as an ideal vision not only of the U.S, but of the world as well (e.g., peace through strength in dealing with the U.S.S.R.). Fortunately, long-term benefits from Carter’s work did not end on the day that Reagan because the 40th American president. For Carter was instrumental in knocking out some hitherto intractable diseases in Africa and in furthering the reputation of democracy internationally by monitoring elections in vulnerable countries. His labor in constructing houses in the Habitat for Humanity organization was a symbol that drew attention not only to poverty, but to shelter as a fundamental human right—something virtually unheard of in American culture. Moreover, his forty years of post-presidency work steadily etched humanitarianism in an otherwise occupied American consciousness, and perhaps even globally as well—certainly in Africa. From his example, a vision is evident of the salience that humanitarianism and honest democracy can have even in government policy. To be sure, his self-discipline in office following Nixon and Ford so as not to present the American people with another dishonest (Nixon) and enabling/corrupt (e.g., Ford’s pardon) president sent a message that government can indeed be led honestly, which has doubtless long-term benefits. There was no day of national mourning either for Nixon or Ford—or even Reagan, whose emphasis on visionary leadership fit the presidency so well. Indeed, praises for Carter upon his death were bipartisan—something that was clearly not the case when Reagan died.

In short, it is shortsighted to evaluate former heads of government based only on what they did while and office, and especially on the impacts from the decisions before the next election. This is not to say that the American people were wholly misguided in handing Reagan a landslide victory, for Reagan, unlike Carter, was willing to give Americans the hard economic medicine necessary to end first inflation, then recession. Moreover, Reagan’s orientation to the job of presiding by enunciating a societal (and world) vision rather than by micromanaging by taking small decisions meant that he was the more fitting candidate for office.

Perhaps had Carter volunteered to build houses and engaged foundations to eradicate stubborn diseases in Africa while he was in office, he might have been more in line with the use of symbol to sketch a vision both for American government and society, but this is doubtful because the perception of his weakness relative both to OPEC (and Iran, given the failed rescue attempt and no follow-up attempt) and “stagflation” was based on something actual. In contrast, Reagan proffered a strong state in tackling inflation, which happened, and U.S. budget deficits, which did not happen, and peace through strength in dealing with the U.S.S.R., a Communist dictatorship with nuclear weapons. It is important in remembering a former head of government to look realistically at not only what one did both before and after holding office, but also what things were like while the person had formal power. This is especially so in looking at leadership, which does not depend on being exercised in a formal office, even if the office is tailor-made for leadership as distinct from management. Carter was too much of a manager while in office, and he excelled at leadership vision via symbol (and example) outside of office.



1. Christ Isidore, “Analysis: Jimmy Carter’s Economic Legacy Is Stronger Than Most Remember,” CNN.com, December 30, 2024.


Saturday, April 20, 2024

On the Reputational Capital of a Business Leader on a Societal Stage

Is it better that companies be publicly or privately held? Such a question is of such magnitude that glossy, simplistic answers should be eschewed. This is not to say that the answer is situational in nature. Rather, it is more likely that each comes with pluses and minuses from the perspective of an economic system as a whole. As business “leaders” give their advice, it is important to keep in mind whether any personal or institutional conflicts of interest exist and thus could warp the space itself of the advice. Yes, I am intimating Einstein’s theory of general relativity here. Rather than provide an answer without having studied the matter sufficiently, I will provide a way to look at the advice given by Jamie Dimon, CEO of JPMorgan Chase.

In 1996, the number of publicly traded companies in the U.S. peaked at 7,300; less than 30 years later, that number stood at 4,300.[1] Companies were increasingly staying private. Jamie Dimon was not happy. “The total should have grown dramatically, not shrunk,” he wrote in his 2024 shareholder letter.[2] Private equity funds were behind the trend of taking or keeping a company private. Although it is true that such institutional investors can “boost their profits as quickly as possible for a quick sale down the line,”[3] it is also true that private companies do not face stakeholder pressure to maximize quarterly profit reports. Neither system is perfect, but the orientation of the managements of publicly traded companies to their respective quarterly earnings reports is legion.

For his part, Dimon wrote, “This trend is serious.”[4] He pointed to “intensified reporting requirements, high litigation expenses costly regulations, overbearing board governance, shareholder activism, heightened public scrutiny and ‘the relentless pressure of quarterly earnings’” as reasons why a publicly traded company might go private.[5] If these factors are so onerous,  perhaps being privately-held is better, economically speaking. Nevertheless, Dimon was concerned. But rather than assume that his warning is the result of business expertise, we should be prudent by noting that “Dimon’s company, of course, makes a huge amount of money from taking companies public, so he’s not exactly an impartial observer.”[6] So even though “Dimon said his concerns are broader than JPMorgan’s bottom line,” we should not be so naïve as to take him at his word.

To be credible societally,  business CEO seeking to be a business leader on the societal stage cannot simply advise that which is in one’s company’s financial interests. If it is, then unless the CEO has enough reputational capital on the societal stage from having given advice for the good of the economy at the expense of one’s own firm’s interests, then the public is wise to be skeptical.

The gravitational pull on his analysis (from his orb, JPMorgan) can be detected from his statements on the quarterly earnings reporting of publicly traded companies. “There is something very positive about detailed and disciplined quarterly financial and operating reporting,” he wrote in his statement to shareholders. Is it to be supposed that managements of privately held companies owned by institutional investors face no pressure to maintain accurate accounting? It seems to me that making quarterly reports public would only increase a management’s orientation to quarterly performance at the expense of long-term profitability—excessively so. Yet Dimon only notes that CEOs and boards of directors of publicly traded companies “should resist the undue pressure of quarterly earnings, and it is clearly somewhat their fault when they don’t.”[7] Any financial person on Wall street would easily dismiss any moral sway of “should resist” and admit to us that Dimon’s reliance on ethical responsibility would only be dead on arrival on the street. Dimon’s straw-man assurance that moral suasion is sufficient to eliminate excessive focus on quarterly profits of publicly traded companies is evidence of his bias in favor of publicly traded companies doubtless because JPMorgan makes money in taking companies public. 

In other words, in extolling the benefits of that system of business while nearly dismissing its major weakness with an inadequate fix, the gravitational pull on Dimon can be detected. Not owning up to it only deepens a CEO’s lack of reputational capital societally. It would have been much better had he owned up to the bias in his view and claimed that there was still some merit to some of his points than try to hide his real agenda.  

See: More on business ethics at JPMorgan Chase.


1. Nicole Goodkind, “The Stock Market Is Shrinking and Jamie Dimon Is Worried,” CNN.com, April 9, 2024.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6.  Ibid.
7.  Ibid.